JBrown – The Black 90s

Gentrification in 1990’s Atlanta: The Demolition of Public Housing

June 3^rd, 2009 marked the demolition of the last public housing project in Atlanta. Bowen Homes, built in 1964 and located on the west side of Atlanta, housed almost 1,000 people and was the last large family housing project left in Atlanta until its demolition. The end of Bowen Homes marked the end of a controversial program. In turn, it started a controversial debate about Atlanta and gentrification. The Atlanta Housing Authority’s executive director hailed the demolition as an event that “marks the end of an era where warehousing families in concentrated poverty will cease.”[1] Former residents of demolished projects had a multitude of reactions: most were of hurt and confusion, with one Bowen Homes resident stating, “This is just wrong. I wish I could join in with their rejoicing. I can’t.”[2] The demolition of public housing in Atlanta created a diaspora for groups of African Americans in Atlanta. What started happening over 20 years ago in the mid-1990’s has had ramifications to this day. To fully grasp why this debate is occurring in Atlanta (and many other American cities), it is worth examining the roots of the system that was put in place; in turn, we can examine ways to avoid previous pitfalls and create safer, more equitable neighborhoods in Atlanta and beyond. What seems to be lost in this debate are human lives affected. Where do the residents go, and how are they being helped in the long term?

Atlanta is a city of transplants. People from all over have moved to “the city too busy to hate” in the last 30 years—in fact, Atlanta gained the fourth most new residents of any American city in 2017.[3] There are few traces of the former projects—if they haven’t been converted into new apartments, they have been wholly demolished. Built in 1936 and once occupying the current location of Atlantic Station, Techwood Homes was the first housing project built in America.[4] Ironically enough, Techwood Homes was built over a part of town known as The Flats, a low-income neighborhood with a sizable African American population. Hailed as an opportunity to erase slums, increase affordable housing, and improving the overall landscape of the city, Techwood Homes and the other Atlanta housing projects came to represent a failed housing policy that left people behind, and the people left behind were African American.

By the 1996, Atlanta was the first city in the United States to commence demolishing its housing projects. By that time, Atlanta had a greater percentage of residents living in public housing than any other city in the United States.[5] The demolition of the housing projects did not mean that public housing ended in Atlanta. Mixed-income communities and government-sponsored Section 8 housing were created; still, the toll on the projects’ former residents was not taken into account. Having to qualify for vouchers, find affordable housing, and often moving to only slightly less impoverished neighborhoods does not fix the problem of housing inequality. In a volatile or down economy, public housing demolitions can lead to homelessness if more low-income housing is not made available.[6] Furthermore, the vouchers provided to former residents are often looked upon with suspicion by their new landlords—the vouchers also restrict people with criminal backgrounds from obtaining them.[7] Following the demolition of the projects, a large majority of displaced residents settled in 10 of Atlanta’s poorest ZIP codes thus re-creating a cycle of poverty.[8] In fact, a 2011 Georgia State University survey found that most residents ended up in new places within, on average, only three miles of their former homes.[9]

The winners of this demolition are the contractors and investors. Once a neighborhood has gentrified, real estate values sky-rocket and money is made. At what cost? Culture has been wiped out at the expense of condos and Beltline apartments. Poor African Americans who have lived in a neighborhood their entire lives are told to pack and handed a check that will not cover a move to a safer part of town. Housing projects certainly centralized crime but to demolish them and not provide affordable housing for all merely exacerbates their original problem: legalized segregation. Conversations about gentrification and government-mandated segregated housing are finally being discussed by the mainstream. In fact, the founder of the Atlanta Beltline project recently resigned due to a belief that his project was not providing enough affordable housing and promoting inequitable gentrification.[10] What has been done at East Lake Meadows is another model that combats gentrification by preserving the neighborhood through a construction project. Realization and self-awareness by the Beltline project creator and developer Tom Cousins are what will ultimately will help those affected by gentrification. Until then, real estate will continue to take precedent over a city’s citizens.—Jeff Brown

[1] Mark Niesse, “Census: Metro Atlanta’s population approaches 5.8 million,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, April 18, 2017. https://www.ajc.com/news/local-govt–politics/census-metro-atlanta-population-approaches-million/1pxSPBRYI6L26zn4jgVBrN/.

[2] Niesse, “Census.”

[3] Niesse, “Census.”

[4] Robbie Brown, “Atlanta Is Making Way For New Public Housing,” The New York Times, June 20, 2009. https://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/21/us/21atlanta.html.

[5] Brown, “Atlanta.”

[6] Brown, Atlanta.”

[7] Brown, Atlanta.”

[8] Brown, Atlanta.”

[9] Stephanie Garlock, “By 2011, Atlanta Had Demolished All of Its Public Housing Projects. Where Did All Those People Go?” City Lab, May 8, 2014. https://www.citylab.com/equity/2014/05/2011-atlanta-had-demolished-all-its-public-housing-projects-where-did-all-those-people-go/9044/.

[10] Leon Stafford and Willoughby Mariano, “Beltline CEO steps down; New head to focus on affordable housing,” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, August 23, 2017. https://www.myajc.com/news/local-govt–politics/beltline-ceo-steps-down-new-head-focus-affordable-housing/RoWS3022b1qYl8eWAoBa6M/.

Walter Dean Myers: Giving Voice to the Voiceless

Walter Dean Myers is the preeminent author of African American teenage fiction and nonfiction of the 1990’s. Using perspectives that many teens had not read before, Myers’ prose humanizes and refines black characters that are often vilified in literature, film, and television. Myers’ works such as Monster, Slam, and countless biographies of African American visionaries gave access to life stories that many teens had not experienced or did not know existed. Myers was a champion for underrepresented, and it is apparent when reading his books that he wrote for those who did not have a voice. In turn, he inspired a generation of children by telling their stories.

Myers was born in Martinsburg, West Virginia on August 12, 1937. He lived ten miles from the plantation on which his relatives had been enslaved for generations.[1] Myers moved to Harlem four years later, and this is where the majority of his works take place. Myers spoke fondly of his New York upbringing and questioned why some authors did not return to their roots, asking, “What happened to the idea of celebrating a neighborhood and the ordinary people in it? Nobody gives them a voice, but I do.”[2] Myers made it a point to celebrate the ordinary in the inner-city and beyond. His works are not confined to Harlem—his most acclaimed and controversial book is Fallen Angels (1988). Taking place during the Vietnam War, its visceral depictions of the war and raw language got it banned from countless school districts. Building upon that book’s fame, Myers entered the 1990’s as one of the most talked about and controversial teen fiction authors in America.

The 90’s marked a plethora of literary awards for Myers. Most notably, he was the runner-up for the Newbery Medal in 1993, runner-up for the National Book Award for Teen Fiction, and was awarded both an American Library Award and a Coretta Scott King Award in 1994.[3] Myers’ most notable work of the 90’s is Monster: A Novel (1999). Myers tells the story of Steve Harmon, a 16-year-old African American from Harlem accused of felony murder. I particularly remember seeing the cover of this book in my Catholic elementary school library. The mugshot of a very dark African American teenager juxtaposed next to the National Book Award sticker makes for a striking cover. The intimidating black felon on the cover is quickly revealed to be a sensitive, shy teenager with a speech impediment, tragically caught in the wrong place at the wrong time. Myers explores black identity throughout the book, with the protagonist writing in his journal after meeting with his lawyer, “I wanted to open my shirt and tell her to look into my heart to see who I really was.”[4] The protagonist tries to reflect goodness and worth in a trying situation. He fears condemnation from other people particularly from his father and white female attorney.[5] Other themes of black identity are prevalent throughout Myers’ other works, namely roots in slavery, uncertainty, and praise of Harlem, America’s “black capital.”[6]

Realistic depictions of injustice, discrimination, transcendence, and hope are Myers’ forte. In fact, Myers wrote over 100 books on a wide array of subjects, from the Iraq War to an African princess.[7] While the majority of his works take place in contemporary times in New York, Myers started writing biographies and historical fiction in the 1990’s. The Glory Field (1994) takes place in 1763 and describes the shackling and transportation of Muhammad Bilal from Sierra Leone to an American plantation; the subsequent story traces the family lineage from his kidnapping to the mid-20^th century.[8] The Great Migration: An American Story (1993) “pictures the centrality of scripture-based faith and memories of family members buried in the agrarian South as wanderers make a new life in the urban industrialized North.”[9] Myers even won awards for picture books. Among his most lauded works is Brown Angels: An Album of Picture and Verse (1993). “Brown Angels” reclaims black children from media stereotyping by showing them in child fashions long out of style, reminding the reader “the child in each of us is our most precious part.”[10] Myers’ diverse range of subject matter and genre allowed for a wider audience to consume his books. This expansion of style began in the 1990’s and was one of Myers’ most creative and awarded periods of writing during his career.

A contemporary of Myers, noted children’s author Avi, said “Besides his books, his legacy is a compassionate identity with these young people.”[11]Myers certainly gave a voice to disenfranchised black children and teenagers, writing honestly and compassionately about them. The compassion and honesty he used to describe their experiences made his works appealing to all demographics. Myers’ love and compassion of children from his neighborhood allowed him to transcend target audiences. Myers’ audience is truly anyone willing to take the time and read his books. Three National Book Award nominations in the 90’s cements that legacy, and he will truly be remembered as a positive and influential voice for children and teenagers.—Jeff Brown

[1] Mary Ellen Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers: A Literary Companion (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2006) 5.

[2] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 65.

[3] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 27.

[4] Walter Dean Myers, Monster: A Novel (New York: HarperCollins, 1999) 92.

[5] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 66.

[6] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 66.

[7] Felicia R. Lee, “Walter Dean Myers Dies at 76; Wrote of Black Youth for the Young,” The New York Times, July 3, 2014. https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/04/arts/walter-dean-myers-childrens-author-dies-at-76.html.

[8] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 66.

[9] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 65.

[10] Snodgrass, Walter Dean Myers, 66.

[11] Lee, “Myers.”

Georgetown Basketball: The Black Team of the 90’s

Barring the integration of the NCAA in the late 1940’s, the 1990’s marked one of the most transformative periods for college basketball. Never before had teams and individual players set so many trends, both on and off the court. The emergence and high utilization of the newly formed three point line, fast breaking teams regularly scoring well over 100 points, and high profile recruiting camps for high school prospects caused the game to be played in a more fluid way. Players were becoming more individually skilled and discovered at increasingly younger ages. From a fashion and cultural perspective, the prevalence of baggy t-shirts under jerseys, the Michigan “Fab 5” wearing black shoes and black socks, and the emergence of long shorts showed that college players were starting trends that carried over into the mainstream. During 90’s, there was one team that stood out the most. Georgetown University Men’s Basketball did not win any championships in the 90’s.[1] How could a team without any hardware make such an impact? Sporting a hard nosed, in-your-face-style of play, trendsetting, edgy players, and a giant of a coach, Georgetown came to define the transformative era that was 90’s college basketball.[2]

In the context of the African American experience in the 1990’s, it’s worth noting that Georgetown is not an HCBU. Given the majority white demographics of the school, the team was mostly African American in the 1990’s, and John Thompson Jr. is an African American coach. Upon arrival at Georgetown in the late 1970’s, Thompson endured racial slurs thrown at him by disgruntled alumni and was thought to be an ineffective coach due to the color of his skin.[3] Thompson worked hard to prove everyone wrong. The 1980’s brought a national championship and a 96% graduation rating of his players. Viewed by his players as more of a father figure than a basketball coach, his style was domineering and controlling. He limited player interactions with the media and kept close tabs on his team on road trips. This style wasn’t limited to his players. Coach Thompson was known to suspend himself for games if the team’s grade point average was not above the NCAA average.[4] This emphasis on player development and off-the-court accountability was counter to the emerging NCAA recruiting scandals of the late 1980’s and 1990’s. With recent announcement of an FBI an investigation into some of the top “blueblood” basketball programs for paying off players and other forms of corruption, this continues to plague the NCAA to this day.[5]

Georgetown’s snarling Hoya bulldog logo was trademarked by the University in the mid-1980’s, and Georgetown basketball started to emerge as one of the first brands in college sports. [6] By the early 1990’s Georgetown basketball apparel was regularly outselling power football conference brands.[7] Georgetown Starter jackets and jerseys became wildly popular across the United States. The team was especially resonant with black America. The team was all-black, had a black coach, and played in a majority black-ran city (with a black mayor).[8] Washington D.C. had been called “The Chocolate City” for some time, and what was previously a predominantly white team full of former parochial league players gave way to a majority-black team with some players who came from single-parent households, disadvantaged neighborhoods, and junior colleges.[9] Georgetown went from having a small and regional following to having the aura of a national professional sports team.[10]

The arrival of a recruit from Bethel High School in Hampton, Virginia marked Georgetown’s most successful period the 1990’s. Allen Iverson was fresh off of an overturned conviction stemming from a bowling alley brawl and made an immediate impact on the court. Iverson averaged over 20 points a game his freshman season and was named Big East Conference Rookie of the Year. The Georgetown uniforms during Iverson’s career at the school featured Kente cloth pattern on the side of the jersey and shorts. This symbol of African pride was a nod to the team’s roots. The Kente cloth originated in the Ashanti Kingdom and was adopted by other West African countries; the pattern was considered to be the cloth of kings.[11] To complement their jerseys, the team wore Air Jordan XII Concords; to this day they are among the most coveted Air Jordan sneaker. Fans loved their uniforms but most appreciated Iverson’s scrappy and tenacious play. An undersized player, he played both the point and shooting guard positions. His size did not matter—he possessed a 41 inch vertical leap and led the Big East in steals. His signature crossover dribble became legendary and young players across the country began to emulate the move.[12] Along with Iverson, people appreciated the tough play of Jerome “Junkyard Dog” Williams, Othella Harrington, and Jihadi White—hard-nosed forwards who did not back down from anyone. After two seasons at Georgetown, Iverson became the first Georgetown player under John Thompson Jr. to leave early for the NBA Draft.[13]

Iverson’s departure from Georgetown marked the start of the decline of Georgetown basketball in the 1990’s. Despite winning a regular season conference title the year after he left, the Hoyas lost in the first round of the NCAA tournament. As progressive as Coach Thompson had been to let his team celebrate their black roots and embrace their culture, Georgetown did not progress in terms of basketball. Teams were becoming more adept at three point shooting and were able to handle full court pressure. Being bigger and quicker than most teams was not as effective as it was in the past.[14] Coach Thompson subsequently retired in 1999, citing difficulties in his marriage. The school’s licensing revenues fell out of the top 50 in recent years.[15] The late 2000’s offered a glimmer of hope for a return to national prominence. Using a non-traditional, slowed down Princeton-style offense, Thompson’s son, John Thompson III, led the team to a Final Four in 2007. Thompson III found trouble duplicating that success and was ultimately removed from the head coaching job in 2017. The recent hire of Patrick Ewing, an NBA Hall of Famer and member of the 1984 National Championship team, has excited the fan base and hopes are high to get the team back to Thompson Jr.’s glory days. Basketball aside, it will be hard to top the impact that the 90’s Georgetown team made on a campus, city, and national level.—Jeff Brown

[1] They came close: an NIT runner-up in 1993, and a trip the Sweet Sixteen in 1994, and an Elite Eight in 1996. Thompson won his only championship at Georgetown in 1984. Georgetown also made a postseason tournament every year Thompson coached in the 1990’s.

[2] “Black History Month: Remember When the Georgetown Hoyas Wore Kente Cloth?” The Sports Fan Journal, February 16, 2016, http://www.thesportsfanjournal.com/sports/basketball/black-history-month-remember-georgetown-hoyas-wore-kente-cloth/. Coach John Thompson Jr. is listed at six feet, ten inches tall. Before he became a coach, he was an All American center at Providence College in the 1960’s. He also had a renowned temper and was known to lash out at his players and the media.

[3] Bruce Lowitt and Ira Rosenfeld, “John Thompson: A firm hand at the helm,” The Free Lance-Star, March 16, 1985, 11-12. https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=uOJLAAAAIBAJ&sjid=9osDAAAAIBAJ&pg=800,2451944&hl=en.

[4] Rosenfeld, “Thompson,” 11.

[5] Marc Tracy, “N.C.A.A. Coaches, Adidas Executive Face Charges; Pitino’s Program Implicated,” The New York Times, September 26, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/26/sports/ncaa-adidas-bribery.html.

[6]Mike Debonis, “The World’s Most Dangerous Basketball Team,” Slate, March 29, 2007. http://www.slate.com/articles/sports/sports_nut/2007/03/the_worlds_most_dangerous_basketball_team.html.

[7] Debonis, “Dangerous.”

[8] Debonis, “Dangerous.” Marion Barry was the mayor from 1979-1991 and 1995-1999. Other successful African Americans like Kweisi Mfume and Elijah Cummings held admirable positions in the DMV area.

[9] Sports Fan Journal, “Black.”

[10] The inconsistency of the 1990’s Baltimore Bullets/Washington Wizards made the popularity of Georgetown basketball even greater.

[11] Sports Fan Journal, “Black.”

[12] Iverson used the crossover move on Michael Jordan in his rookie season to cement himself as one of the league’s most exciting and up-and-coming players.

[13] Paolo B. Santamaria, “Allen Iverson Reflects Georgetown Values,” The Hoya, September 16, 2016. http://www.thehoya.com/mens-basketball-allen-iverson-reflects-georgetown-values/.

[14] Iverson was certainly undersized at 6’0”, but Thompson was renowned for recruiting strong, 6’10” plus forwards (e.g. Patrick Ewing, Alonzo Morning, Dikembe Mutumbo).

[15] Debonis, “Dangerous.”